Turn-taking in conversation uttered by Madurese community in Jember

Turn-taking in conversation is unique in the Madurese ethnic culture. This study aims to describe the turn-taking in conversation that applies to the Madurese community in Jember. To achieve this goal, a qualitative approach was used. Data were obtained through participatory observation with record and note techniques, then analyzed descriptive qualitative. The results showed that there were at least two speech shift patterns demonstrated by the Madurese community in Jember, namely, informal verbal communication and formal verbal communication. In informal verbal communication, two patterns were found, namely: (1) overlapping turn-taking in conversation patterns, and (2) turn-taking in conversation patterns without overlapping speech. In formal communication, the turn-taking pattern is always shown without overlapping speech. Interrupting people's speech in situations of formal verbal communication is considered to violate prevailing rules and is subject to negative stigma from society. The results of this study will have implications for the implementation of the use of honorifics in communication in Tapal Kuda area involving speech participants from different social statuses, roles, positions, and ages.

In relation to turn-taking in conversation, Saville-Troike (2003) explains that in conversations, speakers and speech partners change roles in turn. Sometimes, they play a role as listeners and sometimes as speakers. This in turn switching of roles by speakers and speech partners is what is called as turn-taking in conversation. In this connection, Teluma (2019) argues that in a conversation, conversation participants play the role of either as speakers or as listeners in turn-taking in conversation. Furthermore, Ibrahim (1994); Barron et al., (2017) and Haryono (2015) explain that turn-taking in conversation is the switching of role played by speech participants in conversation, namely from speaker to listener or vice versa. Brown et al. (2013); Yule (1996) call the speech turn as the process of changing roles between speaker and listener in a conversation. Based on the opinions of these experts, it can be summarized that speech turn taking is a speech change from one speech participant to another speech participant based on differences in social status, role, position and age of each speech participant. This theory is chosen because it fits the topic discussed in this study.
In a conversation, participants must know and obey the rules that they can share roles such as who gets a turn to speak, who gets a turn to listen, and they switch roles, so that the conversation can run well. Turn-taking in conversation should be available because people have different cultural context which essentially effects their way of communication. In this context, the need for cross-cultural understanding is significant because communicator and communicant should make a correct interpretation and react properly during communication (Ratnasari, 2019). Arum (2015) states that in order the conversations run successfully, there are several rules that need to be considered, namely, the speakers should not use their turn to speak for too long and their utterances can be completed without interruption. At the end of a speaking turn, the other speakers must take the speaking turn, so that there is no prolonged pause or silence. Ethics, procedures, or rules of turn-taking in conversation in various cultures differ from one culture to another. For example, among white people in America from the middle class there is a rule of "without gaps in speech, but without overlapping events" in turn-taking in conversation. If there are two or more people involved in a speech, and some of them are speaking at the same time (unintentionally), one of them quickly gives the other a chance, so that speech does not overlap. Conversely, if there is a jam for just a few seconds, the speech participants become so uncomfortable, then someone will start talking about unimportant things just to fill the gap. If the gap is too long, they will immediately leave each other.
The procedure for turn-taking in conversation among middle-class white people in the United States is different from the procedure for turntaking in conversation that applies to people in Antiguan Village (Fang 2012).
The inhabitants of Antiguan used to do their speaking activities at the same time. Speech overlaps are often done on purpose. For the people in Antiguan Village, overlaps and gaps are considered normal occurrences and are part of the conversation. This is different from what happened to the American Indian community. It is the custom of some groups of American Indians to wait a few minutes of silence before answering a question or taking a speech turn. Waiting for a few minutes of silence before taking a turn to speak is one of the most common ways to converse or communicate. If in speaking the speakers violate these procedures, they are considered to be violating the rules of modesty in speech. They are considered not knowing politeness to speak.
This procedure is similar to the one that applies to Javanese families in Mataraman area (Alamin et al. 2020). In many Javanese families who live in the area or who are still steeped in Mataraman traditions, children who are involved in conversations with their parents should not simply interrupt their parents' speech without permission or order of their parents. They have the habit of waiting for a few moments of silence before taking their turn to speak. They wait until the parents finished saying something. When the children have the opportunity because there is a gap time, they usually start with the words "Nyuwun sewu" (excuse me).
According to Saville-Troike (2003), the turn-taking in conversation pattern in English telephone conversations follows the sequence as illustrated below. The sound of the telephone is a call, and the first person to speak is the recipient of the phone, even though the caller knows that the recipient of the phone has picked up the phone, the caller will not start speaking. Many people do not pick up the receiver while the phone is ringing because they feel that the pickup while it is still ringing is an interruption to the call. Even rude callers generally wait until the person on the call answers or says something before the conversation begins. If the recipient of the telephone does not say something the caller does not continue the conversation. The caller will not continue the conversation if she does not get an appropriate response from the party receiving the call (Saville-Troike 2003); (Haryono 2018). The order is considered as the rule or ethics of speaking over the telephone, and if there are people who do not follow these rules it is considered as not knowing the norms or ethics of telephoning.
Thus, there are procedures for turn-taking in conversation, although they differ from one community group to another. In essence, in certain speech communities, certain turn-taking ethics usually apply because turntaking in conversation is an important aspect of politeness in speaking or language (Sumarsono, Partana 2002); (Haryono and Wibisono 2018). It is important because it determines the fluency of communication. The harmony of the relationship between speaker and speech partner are maintained if each speech participant does not always embarrass each other. For this reason, both speakers and speech partners have the same obligation to keep-face. When communicating, speakers and speech partners must comply with cultural norms, not just convey the ideas they think. Language procedures must be in accordance with the cultural elements that exist in the community where they live, and a language is used in communication. If a person speaks by neglecting norms, especially cultural norms, he or she will get negative values, for example being accused of being arrogant, arrogant, uncivilized, unwilling to respect and unwilling to respect (Halawa, Gani, and R 2019).
Turn-taking produced by the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember is discussed in the article on the results of this study. The Madurese Pendalungan refers to the Madurese who have lived in Jember for a long time, and breed in this area, as well as carry out cultural acculturation with members of other ethnic groups. The everyday language of the Madurese Pendalungan community is generally Madurese, mixed with Javanese and Indonesian. If the Madurese on the island of Madura still use the Madurese language the variety of enjâ'-iyâ (EI), engghi-enten (EE), èngghi-bhunten (È-B), and bhâsa alos (BAL), the Madurese Pendalungan community in the Tapal Kuda area (Jember, Lumajang, Probolinggo, Bondowoso, and Situbondo) rarely use the Madurese language, the variety of bhâsa alos (BAL). The Madurese language used is the Madurese variety (E-I), (E-E), and (È-B). They still identify themselves as Madurese, but they no longer feel they have an excessive emotional attachment to "Madura Island". Those who still have ties are usually immigrants who were not born in Jember (Wibisono and Haryono 2016).
So far, the researchers have not found similar research. However, there are several studies that have similarities with this study, including: Sukarno (2015) conducting a research on politeness strategies in responding to compliments in Javanese. This study aims to determine the politeness strategies applied in responding to the compliments of the Javanese in Jember. The technique of data collection is done by recording and taking notes. The results showed that responding to praise in Javanese can be achieved in five strategies: (1) disagree and condescending, (2) disagree and ask questions, (3) accept and reject, (4) accept and give explanation, and (5) accept only, or accept an offer. Haryono (2018) conducted research on communication among kiais of Nahdlatul Ulama in the Madurese ethnic group. This study aims to describe the communication patterns among kiais (venerated teachers of Islam) of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in the Madurese ethnic group (NUMME) and account for the factors affecting those patterns of communication. The data were collected through participatory and non-participatory observations, interviews, note-taking, and recording. The result of the study shows that giving an honor to the teacher in the NU tradition is an obligation and a tradition that is still maintained. Haryono and Wibisono (2018) conducted research on The Use of Speech Level in Socio Cultural Perspective of Tapal Kuda Madurese Ethnic Society. This research aims at describing the speech level use in socio cultural perspective of Madurese ethnic society in Tapal Kuda regions. The method used to reach the research aims is a qualitative method with an ethnographic approach. The data were collected through participatory and non-participatory observations, interviews, note-taking, and recording. The result of this research shows that the use of BM with E-E, Ng-E, and È-B variation in the perspective of Madurese ethnic in Tapal Kuda is as the politeness implementation form and formal relationship among speech participants, whereas variation of BM E-I (ngoko: Javanese) in family is used to keep intimacy and closed relationship between parents and children in order not to be too formal. Sofyan et al. (2022)conducted research on the analysis of conversational implicature between students and teachers at Al-Azhar Islamic boarding school. This study aims to uncover and describe the meanings and types of conversational implicatures contained in the conversations of teachers and students at the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Al-Azhar Islamic boarding school. This study uses data analysis. Data were collected using selection, description and verification techniques. Data were analyzed using qualitative descriptive which is based on Siswantoro's theory. The results of this study indicate that there are four types of conversation implicatures, namely general conversation implicatures, scaled implicatures, special conversation implicatures, and conventional implicatures.
Based on the research above, viewed from the topic and the theory the previous studies and the current study are the same that they both discuss honorific topics and use the theory of politeness by Leech (2014). Though they have the same topic, specifically the current study is different from the previous ones that it examines Turn-taking in conversation politeness in Madurese community in Jember. Therefore, this study has a large space to be researched. Based on the explanation above, the research problem can be formulated "How is the turn-taking in conversation politeness used by the Madurese ethnic community in Jember?" This study aimed to describe turn-taking in conversation in Madurese community in Jember. We expected that the results of this study could deliver and bring any significance in the enrichment of turn-taking in conversation analysis in local community context in Indonesia. The uniqueness of this study was that diversity of cultures in Pandalungan regions which showed distinctive model of way of speaking and structure of sentences in it. Therefore, we issued this study for the purpose.

Turn-taking in conversation politeness in Madurese community in Jember
This study was using descriptive qualitative. The discussion of the problem was described in the form of an empirical descriptive explanation without any statistical measurement. The researcher chose the Madurese ethnic community in Jember as a sample in this study because Jember is an area of most of the Madurese ethnic group that has a unique culture in the middle of a multicultural community in the Tapal Kuda area. The research data were collected by observation. In observation, sometimes the researcher was directly involved in speaking with the speech partner who acted as the research informant, and sometimes the researcher acts as an observer. While speaking, the researcher made observations, recorded the informants' conversations, and recorded important things, such as speaker's profile, speech partners, speech situations, conversations, the place and time of the speech. Researchers could play an active role as speech partners involved in the conversation, because researchers were Jemberese and can communicate with research informants.
The collected data were then transcribed in the form of written data. Data transcription follows the writing procedure according to the General Guidelines for Improved Madurese Spelling (2005). The glotal stop (?) consonant was described with a sign ('), for example, in the word kadhibi' (...self), ka'emma'an ('to anywhere else) and ka'adâ (first), not transcribed as *kadhibiq or *kadhbik, *kaqemmaqan or *kakemmakan and *kadâq or *kaadâk. Furthermore, the data were successfully transcribed, reduced and classified according to the research objectives, with the help of analysis diagrams. The theory used as the basis for data analysis is the theory of turn-taking in conversation in socio-pragmatics (Saville-Troike 2003); (Leech 2014). The data analysis results were presented informally, using ordinary words, not mathematical symbols. The technique of presenting the results of data analysis used descriptive descriptions.

FINDINGS
Based on the results, it can be described that there are at least two patterns of turn-taking in conversation demonstrated by the Madura Pendalungan community in Jember, namely the turn-taking in conversation pattern when communicating verbally in formal or informal situations and when communicating formally or informally. Formal situations, for example when speakers and speech partners speak at meetings, teaching and learning activities in Islamic Borsinf School, namely reciting the Koran or reading "Dhiba" in prayer rooms, mosques, and others. An example of official oral communication carried out by the Madura Pendalungan community in Jember is when they perform abhâk-rembhâk (confer). As for informal situations, for example, when communication occurs informally, for example, when bargaining for goods in the market, when greeting each other, and chatting then, for example, when tor-catoran (casual conversation) and asapa'an (greetings). The two-turn-taking in conversation patterns can be described as follows.

Turn-Taking in Conversation Patterns in an Informal Conversation
The turn-taking in conversation happens when the Madura Pendalungan community in Jember performs tor-catoran (unofficial oral communication). The pattern was without gaps in speech, and occasionally overlapping speech events occurred. If there were two or more people involved in a speech, and some of them were speaking at the same time (intentionally or unintentionally), this is considered something normal. Speech overlaps usually occurred in turn-taking in conversation. If there was a gap for just a few seconds, the speech participants become so uncomfortable, then someone started talking about unimportant things just to fill gaps. If the gap was too long, they immediately left each other. This was shown in the following torcatoran excerpt. From the quotation of the speech, it is known that Mr. Saturi has not finished speaking, but Mrs. Sulastri has taken over the role of speaker. As a speech partner, Bu Sulastri did not wait for Pak Saturi's speech to finish first, then Mrs. Sulastri took over the turn. However, along with Mr. Saturi said, "abhêjhêng ko". Bu Sulastri has started her speech, "Massa' bisa é saor otang abhêjhêng réya Pa'…. From the data quotation, it is known that the turn-taking in conversation pattern was without gaps or without pauses and speech overlaps occurred. The speaker had not finished speaking, the speaker had taken over the speech. If presented in diagrammatic form, the turn-taking in conversation pattern was shown below.

Context
Turn-taking in conversation pattern (1): Speaker A: Speaker B: The turn-taking in conversation pattern as seen in the tor-catoran is often demonstrated by members of the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember in speaking, especially if the conversational actors are siblings, and the conversations are carried out between and by fellow family members, and the relationship between the conversational actors is highly closed. Apart from this pattern, there are other variants of turn-taking in conversation patterns demonstrated by the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember. This is shown in the following data excerpt.

Context:
tor-catoran between Ibu Sulastri (A) and Bu Rochibah (B), and Bu Sutini (C) took place at around 19.00 WIB, when Mrs. Sulastri was visiting Bu Rochibah's house. The atmosphere of the tor-catoran is relaxed, taking place when they are eating together. From the data quotation, it is known that it was Mrs. Rochibah (B) who started the speech. After Mrs. Rochibah's speech was finished, Mrs. Sulastri (A) spoke, and after Mrs. Sulastri's speech was finished, Mrs. Sutini (C) spoke. As a speech partner, Mrs. Sulastri waited for Mrs. Rochibah's speech to finish first, then Mrs. Sulastri took over the turn of speech. Likewise, Mrs. Sutini did. After Mrs. Sulastri's speech was finished, Mrs. Sutini just spoke. In this pattern the speech participants wait for each other until the speaker's speech was finished, then the speaker answered the question or took his turn to speak.

Conversation
Waiting until the speaker has finished speaking is one of the procedures that is also commonly practiced by the Madurese community in Jember in speaking or communicating. This type of turn-taking in conversation pattern was carried out especially if the conversational actors were not siblings, and the conversations were not carried out between and by fellow family members, and the relationship between the conversational actors was relatively lacking or not familiar. If presented in diagrammatic form, the speech shift pattern was shown in the following image below.
Turn-taking in conversation pattern (2): Speaker A: Speaker B: Speaker C:

Speech turn taking pattern in an official conversation
Turn-taking in conversation when the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember conducted official oral communication, the pattern was that there were little gaps in speech, and no overlapping events occurred. If there were two or more people involved in the speech, and some of them are speaking at the same time (intentionally or unintentionally), immediately apologized and invite the previous speaker to continue his speech, because this was considered something unusual. Speech overlaps were not common in turntaking in conversation. If there was a gap for a few seconds, the speech participants still waited for the speaker to continue his speech until it was finished. This could be seen in the following abhâk-rembhâk oral communication.
Abhâk-rembhâk (discussion) is a type of oral communication commonly carried out by the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember with the following characteristics: it occurred in a certain place, took a place in an atmosphere of official communication, the topic of the speech was planned in advance and could not change, closed speech participants (not everyone can become speech participants), the length of the conversation was relatively longer than tor-catoran and smoke, and the purpose of communication was to discuss and solve problems. The transcription of the speech in the abhâkrembhâk program, among others, was as follows.

Context:
abhâk-rembhâk takes place among Chief (A), Secretary (B), Treasurer (C), and Member (D) of ḍibâ' organisation. Topic of abhâk-rembhâk was organizational consolidation, taking place at home where the social gathering of ḍibâ' reading. The turn-taking in conversation pattern in the abhâk-rembhâk data quotation, if simplified, can be described as follows. The speech begins with B, is continued by A, and D responds to it sequentially and alternately, without any activity to interrupt the speech of the other speech participants. From this description it is known that the turn-taking in conversation pattern when the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember conducts official oral communication, the pattern is that there is little pause or gap in speech, carried out sequentially in a linear fashion, and there are no overlapping events of speech. The pattern description is as follows.
Turn-taking in conversation pattern (3): Speaker B: Speaker A: Speaker D:

Turn-taking in conversation and cultural intervention in it
The transfer of speech in a conversation is not officially regulated. The change of role from a speaker to a listener and occurs naturally according to unwritten norms agreed upon by the participants of the conversation. In an adult conversation, participants usually know when to speak and when to stop talking and allow other people (his partner) to speak. If this convention is violated, there will be "sanctions" from other conversation participants. People who violate these rules are considered impolite, monopolize the conversation, want to win themselves, or even be branded as a braggart (Trahutami 2012).
The pattern of communication between people symbolizes how the exchange of knowledge about culture (Ali, Kazemian, and Mahar 2015); (Saepullah 2021) (Szkudlarek et al. 2020). In intercultural communication, communication is seen as a process in which a person (the communicator) conveys stimuli (usually symbols in the form of words) to change the behaviour of others (Bambaeeroo and Shokrpour 2017). Communication involves all procedures through which one person's mind can influence another. Intercultural communication is the process of exchanging thoughts and meanings between people of different cultures (Bin-Tahir, Bugis, and Tasiana 2017). When communication occurs between people of different nationalities, racial groups, or language communities. Intercultural communication basically examines how culture affects communication activities.
Community members live in a system that is already mechanical, rigid, and social relations are determined based on the interests of each community's interests. In general, modern society has a higher level of education than transitional societies so that they have broader knowledge and a more rational mindset than all previous stages of people's lives, although sometimes formal education is not enough to bring people to that level of knowledge and mindset.
Turn-taking in conversation becomes a language instrument in the process of interpersonal communication with different cultural backgrounds. Culture and communication have a reciprocal relationship. Culture affects communication, and communication affects culture. Language is one of the cultures used as a means of communication between members of the community in the form of sound symbols produced by human speech. The purpose of language is to convey the intent or will to the interlocutor (Seken 2011).
In the process of intercultural communication, symbols and language receive attention to be known. Emphasis on nonverbal messages on verbal messages can complement and colour messages, so that they are easily interpreted by the messenger to the recipient of the message through symbolized messages such as language, images, colours, gestures, and artifacts. Misunderstanding in interpreting messages often occurs, because the messenger (communicator) does not understand the cultural background of the recipient of the message (the communicant) or is wrong in using the channel or place where the message passes (Budiyasa 2018).
The findings of this study have similarities with the previous studies that both reveal the concept of politeness. As for what distinguishes it from previous research, previous research revealed the use of honorifics seen from the use of speech level and the factors behind it, while the research specifically resulted in the finding that it is very important to obey the turn-taking of speech as a form of implementation of the use of honorifics in the Jember and surrounding areas based on factors of differences in age, role, position, and social status in society.
The results of this study are expected to be a reference in increasing insight into speech forms and speech transfer in a multi-lingual society, so that a form of understanding between communicators can be realized. Thus, it can affect the achievement of communication goals between the two parties.

CONCLUSION
From the research analysis, it can be concluded that the turn-taking in conversation is culturally specific. In connection with the turn-taking in conversation pattern that applies to the Madurese Pendalungan community in Jember, at least, there are two patterns of turn-taking in conversation that are demonstrated: (1) the speech trun-taking pattern when communicating verbally informally or informally (asapa'an/greeting and tor-catoran) and (2) patterns when communicating in a formal or official manner (abhâk-rembhâk). When greeting each other (BM: asapa'an) and having a casual conversation (BM: tor-catoran), two patterns apply, namely: (1) a pattern without gaps, and overlapping speeches, and (2) a pattern without gaps, without overlapping speech. When the abhâk-rembhâk (discussion) event, the pattern is that there is little gap, and there is no overlapping event of speech. If there are two or more people involved in the speech, and some of them are speaking at the same time (intentionally or unintentionally), immediately apologize and invite the previous speaker to continue his speech. This was since such an incident was considered something unusual. This turn-taking in conversation pattern is important to know, especially to be understood by outsiders of Jember, as a matter of consideration when conversing with Jember Madurese.
Based on the findings of this study, it can be recommended that the application of speech turn transfer is very important to be fulfilled so that communication can run well without misunderstandings.